Two Brothers in Arms - Foster and James Branigan

By Daniel J. Dzurek, 1 July 2003


Peter J. Branigan, my 3rd great-grandfather, and his wife emigrated 
separately from Ireland early in the nineteenth century and eventually 
settled in Manitowoc, Wisconsin.  They undoubtedly suffered 
discrimination as new immigrants-worse, as Irish.  Nonetheless, two of 
their sons, Foster and James, volunteered in the Union Army during the 
Civil War.  Perhaps this was patriotism, maybe an effort to fit-in, 
possibly a thirst for adventure.  We do not know.  Their boys served in 
different armies, saw different battles, but seem to have led parallel 
lives.  Both gained pensions as partial invalids and ended long lives 
in veterans' homes in Wisconsin.  Within one generation, the Branigans 
went from being Irish to being Americans.

           Peter J. Branigan and Bridget McDermont

On 27 March 1838, Peter J. Branigan and Bridget McDermont were married 
in Juliet/Joliet, Will County, Illinois.  According to subsequent 
federal census schedules, they were both born in Ireland. There is some 
evidence that Peter may have been the son of Peter (Eli) Branigan, who 
came from Ireland and settled in Massena, New York about 1832. Given the
timeframe, the location of their marriage, and their Irish ancestry, 
Peter was probably among the Irish who came by way of New York and the 
Erie Canal to work digging the Illinois and Michigan Canal near Joliet.

The 96-mile canal was excavated by hand (with the help of explosives) 
from Chicago to La Salle, Illinois, linking the Chicago River and Lake 
Michigan to the Illinois River and the Mississippi system. Construction 
began in 1836 and was completed in 1848.  The canal measured six feet 
deep and 60 feet wide.  Irish, as well as other immigrants, flocked to 
Illinois, attracted by the promise of jobs.  The workers lived in rude 
shanties.  Many died of diseases, including cholera and dysentery.  
During the summer, fear of contracting malaria prompted some workers to 
demand whiskey, which they thought would protect them from the disease.
In many cases, canal workers were paid a dollar (equal to about $19 in 
2002 dollars) and a gill (4 ounces) of whiskey per week.  Economic 
crises in the late 1830s and early 1840s resulted in reduced wages for 
the canal workers, and violence erupted on several occasions.

Things were not pleasant for the Irish in Will County in 1838.  Three 
months after Peter and Bridget were married, a local event called the 
"First Irish War" occurred near Joliet on 4 July 1838.  Apparently, the 
Irish immigrants who were working on the nearby Illinois and Michigan 
Canal rioted because they had not been paid.  The people in Juliet 
[Joliet] got word that the Irish workers digging the canal near 
Romeoville were killing one another and contractors at the work site. A 
posse was formed and, after being fortified with alcohol, came upon the 
Irish, "flourishing scythes, pitchforks, and shellalahs."  The posse 
fired a volley of blanks and the Irish broke and ran.  The posse 
apprehended forty prisoners, who were brought to Joliet, but only 14 
prisoners were detained because of limited jail facilities.  During the 
subsequent trial, the principal prosecution witness was the contractor, 
who told of suffering violent assaults by many men with a variety of 
weapons.  However, the contractor survived unscathed. "The contractor's 
story was so improbable that the judge ridiculed the event.  The jury 
members couldn't agree with one another, and the prosecutor decided to 
drop the charges." Troubles continued, but the Irish were needed to dig 
the canal.

Peter and Bridget's first child, Foster Branigan, was born in Illinois 
and baptized in St. Patrick's Catholic Church in Joliet on 27 January 
1839.  Around 1841, the family moved to Manitowoc, Wisconsin, where 
Peter J. Branigan purchased land in 1849.  In the same year, Peter was 
also involved in a lawsuit with Frederick W. Huebner.  The case seems 
to have landed in the Circuit Court when Huebner requested the court to 
overturn the judgment of the R. B. Musson, Justice of the Peace of 
Manitowoc Rapids.  The original case dates to September 1849 and 
included Foster Branagan [sic] among the plaintiffs, with his father, 
Peter, as lead plaintiff.  Peter seems to have sued Huebner for $5.26 
(about $122 in current dollars) for an unpaid bill for labor, princi-
pally hauling loads, including lumber from the steam mill.  Peter seems 
to have been feisty and pursued payment through two court actions.  His 
son, Foster, and others were called as witnesses. The circuit court was 
to have heard the appeal on 21 March 1850, but the documents do not 
include any indication if the circuit court hearing occurred or what 
judgment it may have rendered. The particulars of the suit suggest that 
Foster worked with his father in hauling freight.

In the census of 1850, Peter's occupation was given as a carter (wagon 
driver).  He was enumerated with Bridget, and their children: Foster, 
Chester, James, Mary A., Lucy A., and Harriet.  Peter apparently died 
between the conception of his youngest child, Jerome (about 1855), and 
the 1860 census, when only Bridget is enumerated with six of her 
children, who now included Frank P. and Jerome. Peter's early death was 
mentioned by his son, James, in an affidavit as part of his military 
pension file, where he said, "That his Father died when he was quite a 
small boy ..."  Bridget apparently died after 1880, because she was 
enumerated in the census of that year in Manitowoc and identified as a 
widow, age 73.

The outbreak of the Civil War on 12 April 1861 and President Lincoln's 
call for volunteers three days later prompted many northerners to enlist.
Such appears to have been the case with two of Peter J. Branigan's sons: 
Foster and James.  They joined the Union Army before the draft was 
instituted in 1863, so they were true volunteers.

          James Branigan with the Army of the Potomac

There seems to have been some uncertainty regarding when James Branigan 
was born.  An affidavit of 27 May 1913 in James's pension file 
discusses James' birth date and is touching.  He declares,

   "That he was born at Manitowoc Wisconsin, March 15, 1843, 
   when Wisconsin was a howling wilderness and before any 
   public record of births or deaths were made and he is 
   unable to furnish record proof.  Affiant [person making 
   the affidavit] further says that he might have been 
   baptized, but if he was it was by some missionary and he 
   does not know where to look for such record. That his Father 
   died when he was quite a small boy and what information he 
   has concerning his again [sic] came to him from his mother, 
   who told him repeatedly that he was born March 15th 1843, 
   and having a very good memory he has never forgotten what 
   was told him by his mother.  That his age as given at the 
   date of enlistment added to the time which has since elapsed 
   makes him 70 years of age March 15, 1913 and is correct."

The Compiled Military Service Record (CMSR) for James Branigan indicates
that he enrolled for three years of military service at Manitowoc on 20 
April 1861.  At the time, he was 18 years old and single.  His army and 
pension records state that he had light hair, had blue eyes, and stood 
5 feet 7 inches.  His enlistment expired and he was mustered out on 27 
July 1864.  He held the rank of private throughout his military service.  
James apparently followed in his father's wagon-tracks.  Several of 
James' bimonthly muster records state that he had detached duty as a 
wagoner, often at the division or brigade headquarters. There is also a 
summary sheet listing to what units he was detached as a teamster and 
during what dates.

In response to President Lincoln's call to arms, Manitowoc Village 
organized one of Wisconsin's state militias, initially called the 
Manitowoc County Guards.  All but five of the 105 volunteers were 
unmarried.  The men elected their officers, who were led by Captain 
Temple Clark.  Patriotic fervor prompted the ladies to sew a special 
company flag patterned on the US flag, with red and white stripes and a 
blue field with gold stars and trimmed in silver.  The name, "Manitowoc 
County Wisconsin Volunteers," was emblazoned across the central white 
stripes in gold letters. The reflections of one of the volunteers, James
S. Anderson, when the flag was presented to the Manitowoc County 
Historical Society in 1925, provides an eyewitness account of the war 
experience of James Branigan's company.

The new flag was formally presented to the company in a ceremony in 
Union Park on 17 June 1861.  Captain Clark promised that the flag would 
be born into every battle fought by the company.  On 23 June 1861, the 
men from the Manitowoc area marched through cheering crowds to the pier 
at the foot of Buffalo Street and embarked on the Goodrich steamer Comet.
They docked in Milwaukee about dawn, had breakfast at the Kirby Hotel, 
and then marched to the St. Paul Railway depot to board the train to 
Camp Randall, near Madison.  Companies B and C of the 5th Wisconsin 
Regiment met them and escorted them to Camp.  The Manitowoc County 
Wisconsin Volunteers became Company A of the Fifth Wisconsin Volunteer 
Infantry Regiment on 13 July 1861.  Capt. Clark commanded the company 
until April 1862, when he was transferred to the staff of General 
Plummer in the Army of the Mississippi.  Lieutenants Horace Walker and 
Peter Scherfius, all of Manitowoc, assisted him.  Later, Wilson W. 
Goodwin and Aaron B. Gibson were promoted to Lieutenant.  In camp, the 
5th Regiment was given regimental colors for use on the battlefield and 
for display.  Companies were not permitted individual company flags 
under US Army regulations.  Because Captain Clark had promised the 
company would carry the flag to the field, it was decided that the 
Company flag would be carried in the captain's satchel and, when the men
 were about to go into battle, someone would wrap the flag around his 
body-thus preserving their promise to the people of Manitowoc.

The Union loss at the first battle of Bull Run prompted the regiment to 
ship-out.  On 23 July 1861, the 5th Wisconsin Infantry Regiment struck 
its tents and set out by train to Harrisburg, PA, via Chicago.  The men
left without arms, ammunition, or rations.  The lack of rations was not 
a problem, because "at every station [they] passed crowds of people were
gathered and baskets of sandwiches, cakes, and pies were thrust through 
the car windows."  The regiment eventually traveled to Washington, where
it joined the 2nd Wisconsin Regiment and camped on Kalorama Heights.  
They received old muskets and ammunition from the Mexican war-"as 
dangerous at one end as the other." The 5th Regiment crossed the Potomac
River into Virginia and began a period of building forts, drilling, and 
picketing.  In due time, they received Austrian rifles-a marked 
improvement over the muskets.

The company participated in the spring campaign of the Army of the 
Potomac pursuing the Confederate forces up the York Peninsula.  The 
rebels retreated from Yorktown, VA, on 4 May.  Hooker's division 
encountered the Confederate rearguard near Williamsburg the next day.
Hooker assaulted Fort Magruder, an earthen fortification along the 
Williamsburg Road, but was repulsed.  Confederate counterattacks 
threatened to overwhelm the Union left flank, until reinforcements 
arrived.  Hancock's brigade then moved to threaten the Confederate left 
flank, occupying two abandoned redoubts.  The principal commanders in 
the battle were Maj. Gen. George Mc Clellan (US) and Maj. Gen. James 
Longstreet (Confederacy).  A total of 72,592 men engaged in combat, with
3,843 casualties.  The 5th Wisconsin Regiment served at a crucial point 
of Hancock's attack, and Company A was bloodied. They lost three men and
had six wounded, including Lieutenant Walker. The bimonthly reports from
James' company gives a brief account of this first major battle in which 
his company participated.

   "In the Battle of Williamsburg on the 5 of May 1862, 
   Corpl. Jacob Chochems was killed by a shell, Private 
   David David Woodcock killed by musket ball, Private 
   David C. Eddy mortally wounded by musket ball, 1 Lt. 
   Horace Walker wounded slightly in thigh, Pvt. Gottlieb 
   Hermann wounded slightly in shin, Private Joseph Allen 
   wounded slightly in foot."

Subsequent bimonthly reports were far less detailed, seldom mentioning 
the many casualties Company A suffered.  One exception is the entry for 
the Battle of Gettysburg.  First Lieutenant Gibson wrote "In July [1863]
was on the march in Md.  2, 3 & 4 at the battle of Gettysburg, none 
wounded or killed..."  This is the only such statement in any of the 
reports, which suggests that the lack of casualties was extraordinary - 
nearly one-third of the 158,000 soldiers who took part in the three-day 
Battle of Gettysburg were killed or wounded.  There are very brief 
descriptions of other battles and many mentions of marching from one 
point to another.

Captain Clark left Company A a few days before the Battle of 
Williamsburg.  After the battle, Lieutenant Walker, who was commanding 
the company decided that enough had been done to keep the promise about 
the company flag.  He packed the flag in his satchel and sent it to the 
rear, to be returned when the campaign ended.  The baggage, including 
the company flag, was taken by rebel forces, but recaptured by the 8th 
Pennsylvania Reserve Corps.  Eventually, it was returned to Manitowoc 
in 1881 and presented to the Manitowoc Historical Society in 1925.

Company A of the 5th Wisconsin Infantry Regiment participated in 26 
general engagements during the Civil War-in every battle of the Army of 
the Potomac, except the First Battle of Bull Run, until it was mustered 
out in Madison WI, on 27 July 1864.  At its last muster, Company A 
reported 23 members had been killed in battle or died of wounds, 35 were
discharged during service as disabled, wounded or due to disease, nine 
died of disease, three were in Confederate prisons, two were wounded and 
in hospital.  Thus, their total losses were 72 (two had been transferred 
to the Navy).  When the thirty remaining men mustered out, including 
James Branigan, only twelve were on active duty, the others were 
gathered from Washington hospitals to journey home.

Because of James Branigan's details and detached service, it is 
impossible to know if he participated in many of these battles.  His 
detached duty driving wagons would not have been particularly safe. 
Wagon supply trains were frequently the targets of attack by hostile 
forces. However, it is clear that James was injured at the Second Battle
of Fredericksburg (also called the Battle of Marye's Heights) in 
Virginia on 3 May 1863, where about 2,000 men were injured or killed.  
James and later his widow, Jessie, obtained a pension from the federal 
government, because of injuries he suffered during the Civil War.  There 
are two surgeon's certificates (1895-96) in the pension file relating to
James Branigan's infirmities.  The handwriting and terminology are 
difficult to decipher, but James apparently had rheumatism, pain in the 
"breast," and varicose veins in the right leg.  He had pain in the 
shoulder and knees.  James attributed his rheumatism to an "explosion" 
during his military service.  The government apparently required 
corroborating evidence.  In an affidavit of 7 Oct 1897, James described 
his infirmities and poignantly continues, "There was only seventeen men 
of my company left who come home and I do not know as to whether they or
any of them are living at this time and have not heard from them for 
thirty years -- therefore can not get any body who was an eye witness to
my injuries to make affidavit."  The injury to his chest was the result 
of stumbling and falling when his unit charged against the enemy on 
Mayre's Heights, according to James' declarations and a later affidavit 
by another soldier.  James said that he struck his breastbone when he 
fell.  He was treated by a Dr. Crane in the regimental hospital during 
the campaign in Virginia.

James was mustered-out at Madison, WI, on 27 July 1864 and identified as
James Braingan-an apparent clerical transposition-in some of his Civil 
War records. He was owed $100, plus $1.58 for clothing. It also mentions
a "Stop for Q.M. [quartermaster?] Stores, lost, 1 Haversack, 49 cents; 
1 canteen 41 cents." Perhaps, James was present in Manitowoc on 29 April
1865, when the town held a ceremony to honor its returning soldiers and 
commemorate the assassination of President Lincoln-his brother Foster 
was still in the service.

After the war, according to his pension file papers, James lived in 
Chicago 1865-1869, Menomonee 1869-1872, Cheboygan, MI 1874, Escanaba 
1875, Iron Mountain 1878, and other areas in the region.  He was a 
sailor on the Great Lakes before the war and a teamster after the war.
He apparently had a tattoo of an American "coat of arms" [flag motif] 
and initials on his left arm.

On 6 April 1898, when he was 55, James Branigan married Jessie McNeal 
(age 27) at Kitchie, Michigan in a civil ceremony.  On the copy of the 
record of marriage, James' parents are listed as Peter Branigan and 
Bridget McDermit [sic]; Jessie's parents were listed as John McNeal and 
Jane McFerton.  The birthplace of James is given as Manitonoc [sic], 
Wis., and that of Jessie is given as Scotland. According to an affidavit
by a friend supporting Jessie's claim, this was the first marriage for 
both.

By 1907, James had moved to Chicago, where he lived with his brother, 
Frank, and his niece, Harriet Murphy.  Both countersigned James' renewed
Declaration for Pension, on 22 October of that year.  According to the 
declaration, all three were living at 5444 Union Avenue, Chicago.

James Branigan died on 22 Nov 1916 at the Wisconsin Veterans Home 
(Waupaca, WI) of a cerebral hemorrhage at the age of 73 years, 8 months,
and 7 days.  Jessie applied for a widow's pension, which was approved 
and commenced on 1 Dec 1916 at the rate of $12 per month ($197 in 2002 
dollars). At the time, her address was given at the Wisconsin Veteran's
Home in Waupaca, where she and James had apparently lived at the time of
his death.  They do not appear to have had any children. Jessie died in 
Eau Claire, Wisconsin, on 25 February 1925.  She was in the care of her 
twin sister, Mrs. Anna Fennessey, who requested federal reimbursement 
for burial.  Her request was approved.

       Foster Branigan with the Army of the Cumberland and 
                 Sherman's March to the Sea

The eldest Branigan son, Foster (b. Jan 1839), married Hanora Lynch in 
a Catholic service at Manitowoc Rapids on 20 July 1855.  He was 5 feet, 
8 inches tall; had brown hair and blue eyes.  According to the 1860 
Manitowoc census, Foster worked as a sailor and had a four-year-old 
daughter, Anastasia Branigan.  Foster's pension file indicates that he 
also had a son, John, who was born about 1860, and his wife was pregnant
with their son, George, when Foster enlisted.  He followed his younger 
brother into the Union Army on 13 August 1862 and became a member of 
Company K of the 21st Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry Regiment, which was 
composed primarily of men from Manitowoc.  The commanding officers of 
Company K were Captains Charles H. Walker and Joseph La Count (Walker 
was promoted to major on 3 May 1864 and left the company to work at 
headquarters) and Lieutenants Wyman Murphy and John E. Davies. When the
company was mustered-out, on 8 June 1865, their captain was Joseph 
La Count and they were one of the companies under the command of Col. 
Harrison C. Hobart.

Like his brother, James, Foster Branigan was a private throughout his 
Civil War service.  Foster's Compiled Military Service Record (CMSR)
indicates that he was with his company for most of his service, except 
for detached service as a train guard (24 Oct 1863) and on furlough 
(25 Sep 1864).  The twenty-day furlough was requested on 13 September 
1864.  Like his brother James, Foster was illiterate, and judging from 
the handwriting on the request, it was dictated by Foster but appears to
bear his rough signature.  In it, he asked leave to visit his sick wife
and child who were living in Milwaukee. The letter stated that they had 
been ill for three months and were advised to move to a healthy locality.
He asked to go and help them relocate.  His request was approved.

Although Foster left no correspondence about his military service, 
letters from Mead Holmes, Jr., a sergeant in Foster's company who died 
during the war in 1863, were published.  Presumably they can give us 
insight about what Foster experienced.  Some of Holmes' complaints 
resonate with the author's experience in the U.S. Army.  It seems that 
things have not changed much in the army since his great, great 
granduncles served.

Foster and the other men from Manitowoc left for Milwaukee by steamer 
on 24 August 1862.  From Milwaukee, the regiment traveled by rail to 
Oshkosh, where they formed Company K of the 21st Wisconsin Infantry 
Regiment on 5 September 1862.  The men were expected to train for sixty 
days, but when General Bragg began marching on Louisville and Cincinnati,
the men were ordered to Cincinnati, then they crossed the river into 
Kentucky.  From camp in Kentucky on during Sep 1862, Sgt. Holms wrote:

   "After breakfast of raw ham and hard biscuit,-nothing more, 
   except poor water,-we went out to drill; drilled five minutes, 
   when orders came to march up into the country.  The heat was 
   intense.  Knapsacked and buttoned, we started; it was but two 
   miles, and good road, but very hilly.  Such a succession of 
   hills I never saw.  On the march, eight of the regiment fell 
   out. My coat was wet through.  We stacked arms, and hung our 
   blankets on the bayonets.  The heat is awful, and not a shade 
   in the camp limits; but this we could endure if we could get 
   water."

   "We are greatly annoyed by marching orders, which are scarcely 
   half obeyed before they are recalled, and something else given.
   We had sixteen old tents issued for the regiment; one fell to 
   company K.  They are intended for fifteen men; it has rained 
   hard for four hours, and there are twenty-five in it now.  We 
   are to march in a few hours.  For supper last night, we had 
   boiled beef and crackers; the same for breakfast; for dinner, 
   raw pork and crackers; all is gone, and supper will be minus.  
   Many are sick; and, as we move so much, they go to the hospital 
   to-day."

Company K took part in the major Battle of Stones River (Murfreesboro, 
TN).  The battle resulted in an estimated 23,515 casualties (13,249 for
the Union and 10,266 for the Confederacy). Although the Union lost more
men, the battle was considered a defeat for the Confederacy.  By 
coincidence, President Lincoln issued his Emancipation Proclamation 
during the battle (on 1 January 1863).  It is interesting to compare a 
summary of the overall battle with Holms' detailed account of Company K's 
experience.  The National Park Service gives the overall picture of the 
engagement,

   "Maj. Gen. William S. Rosencrans's Union Army of the Cumberland
   followed [Confederate General] Bragg from Kentucky to Nashville.
   Rosencrans left Nashville on December 26, with about 44,000 men,
   to defeat Bragg's army of more than 37,000.  He found Bragg's 
   army on December 29 and went into camp that night, within hearing
   distance of the Rebels.  At dawn on the 31st, Bragg's men attacked
   the Union right flank.  The Confederates had driven the Union 
   line back to the Nashville Pike by 10:00 am but there it held.  
   Union reinforcements arrived from Rosencrans's left in the late 
   forenoon to bolster the stand, and before fighting stopped that 
   day the Federals had established a new, strong line. On New Years
   Day, both armies marked time.  Bragg surmised that Rosencrans 
   would not withdraw, but the next morning he was still in position.
   In late afternoon, Bragg hurled a division at a Union division 
   that, on January 1, had crossed Stones River and had taken up a 
   strong position on the bluff east of the river.  The Confederates 
   drove most of the Federals back across McFadden's Ford, but with 
   the assistance of artillery, the Federals repulsed the attack, 
   compelling the Rebels to retire to their original position. Bragg 
   left the field on January 4-5, retreating to Shelbyville and 
   Tullohoma, Tennessee."

The 21st Wisconsin Regiment and Company K appear to have participated in
a critical portion of the battle, at the Nashville Pike. Holms recounted
the battle of Stones River in a letter to the Manitowoc Tribune of 13 
January 1863.

   "About ten A.M., the morning of the 30th, came the command, 
   'Fall in, double-quick!'  We obeyed, and ran down the pike.  
   Confusion and consternation met us here; wagons crosswise in 
   the road, mules dead, whole teams of six and eight fallen, 
   and kicking as only mules can, drivers and men hallooing at 
   the top of their voices,-all presented a scene 'decidedly 
   mixed.'  It was very apparent something was up.  Wheeler's 
   Cavalry had taken refuge in a strip of woods; we formed 
   alongside of a fence, and fired twenty-five or thirty rounds, 
   killing eighty-three,-of their wounded, I can get no return.  
   Several of the regiments lost their company wagons; this is 
   no small inconvenience,-tents, knapsacks, company books, 
   blankets, overcoats, etc., gone.  A train-wagon train-here 
   must be heavily guarded; guerrillas are lurking at every 
   corner, ready to dart upon the first unguarded point.

   "The morning of the 31st found us at our post in battle line; 
   at four A.M. it was chilly, and some could not see why we had 
   to fall in so early.  At ten A.M. we moved, and soon met 
   stragglers on foot, on mules, and on artillery horses, all in 
   great excitement, saying they were surprised at dawn; some were 
   taking breakfast, and the horses off to water; all unprepared 
   for an attack.  The great battle of Stone River had now begun.
   We moved on carefully, and at noon struck the pike.  Here we 
   met vast numbers of stragglers; and, let me say, this class 
   disgraces our army; they should be marched to the front and 
   taught there not to run.  The road was lined with them, each 
   telling some terrible tale, thus checking the ardor of those 
   about entering the fight.  A shell now and then flew over, or 
   struck the soft earth near us.  We camped at dark in a cedar 
   swamp; it was about as frosty a night as we had laid out in.  
   Some improvised a kind of furnace of stones, which shielded the 
   light and yet retained the heat.  Before daylight we moved to 
   a more secluded place; at seven A.M., heavy cannonading.  We 
   moved again and again.  Our line of battle was shaped like a 
   horseshoe, the ground mostly wooded except on the pike.  About 
   eleven A.M. a rebel brigade advanced on our extreme right; they 
   moved up within fifteen yards, when our battery and men, concealed 
   behind an old fence, fired one volley, killing and wounding 
   two-thirds of the entire brigade, and capturing many of the 
   remainder.  At dark we went on picket; no fire; we suffered much.
   For the first time we were standing picket in the face of an enemy,
   looking into the dark front, and listening at every leaf-rustle, 
   holding our breath almost, and ready at a second's warning to 
   give the alarm.  All passed quietly till day, then a brush among 
   the skirmishers, and we lay down behind the artillery.  We soon 
   withdrew with orders, 'Get some breakfast quick, boys.'  Our 
   coffee was just on the boil, and the bacon ready to turn, when 
   'Bang, bang, bang!' spoke the rebel batteries.  'Fall in quick!' 
   good-by to breakfast, dishes, and all.  A shell struck a large 
   rock in front of us, shivering it to atoms.  We moved up a 
   little slope where Loomis's Battery, 'with bowels full of wrath,' 
   belched forth its iron hail.  The order 'Fall down!'  was given, 
   and the way shot and shell played around us was a caution.  It 
   required some nerve to keep quiet.  Many shots just passed our 
   heads.  The battery we were supporting lost eight men killed, 
   twelve wounded, and thirteen horses; they stood about eight 
   rods [132 feet] in front of us, and to the left.

   "At 3 P.M. a very heavy artillery and musketry-fight occurred 
   on the left, near the river.  At first, the rebels got the 
   advantage; but soon the tide turned, and our brave boys repelled
   them handsomely, driving them pell-mell.  It was a hard fight, 
   and the slaughter was dreadful.  The rebels lay piled up, three 
   or four deep, where the canister and grape [shot] had played 
   upon them.  While we lay there, two horsemen came dashing down 
   the road bearing a rebel flag between them, and in a moment a man 
   came like lightning among our brigade, standing in his stirrups, 
   swinging his hat, and shouting, 'Courage, boys, we are whipping 
   them, they are running.'  It was General Rosencrans, the planner 
   of the whole engagement.  Such cheers as rent the air!  The whole 
   line took up the shout-'Victory! victory! victory!' resounded far
   and wide.  The fight closed there about sunset; but immediately
   cannonading commenced where we lay; 'twas brisk for a short time.

   "But the enemy, finding that, no matter where he changed front, 
   our batteries instantly answered, probably thought he had 
   experimented enough, and so quit.  The weather was bad, the soil 
   clay, the mud just over shoes, unless you picked your steps, 
   which a soldier can not do; lying down was no pleasant job.  We 
   spent a miserable night,-rain and cold, wet to the skin; officers 
   and men alike.

   "The next day was about the same.  At dark, a sharp musket-fight 
   took place on the left center; the rain fell freely and a strong 
   wind blew; Oh, I pitied the wounded that night, for it was more 
   difficult to find them, and then their sufferings,-exposed to 
   this merciless storm!  The artillery flashes presented a terrific 
   and yet imposing scene for us to view, as we sat in the mud and 
   water (the sublime and ridiculous mixed, you see), bullets flying 
   over us, and we expecting momentarily to be called in.

   "The next morning dawned beautiful, yes, splendid.  The rebels 
   had left, under cover of the night, and Murfreesboro', three miles 
   distant, was clear.  We spent the day in the trenches, burying the 
   dead, picking up guns, etc; yet we could not refrain from giving 
   God thanks for preserving us so wonderfully through a battle so 
   severe and protracted.  Once when we rose, six balls and shells 
   lay ten or twelve feet behind us, and it was surprising that under 
   just that particular fire more than half of us were asleep; indeed, 
   so exhausted were we that the moment we lay down we would drop to 
   sleep."

Compare Holms description, above, to the brief mention in the bimonthly 
report of Company K for January and February 1863:

   "This Company was engaged in the action of Stone River Jany. 
   1, 2, & 3d 1863 and marched most of Jany from battle field of 
   Stone River to present camp."

Poor food and water are a recurring theme in Sgt. Holms' letters.  That 
is probably true for any soldier in any war.  However, Holms' comments 
support Foster Branigan's claim that he got scurvy during his service.

   "How I should like some vegetables!" (Letter of 23 October 1862)

   "Yesterday we drew full rations, which fact is a rarity of 
   itself, and you may think now we shall live.  And so we would
   if we had our sisters or mothers to cook for us.  But the rice 
   got terribly burnt, and on tasting the molasses that was so 
   burnt, we let it alone.  The beans for dinner were boiled to 
   a mush, so that the soup would go round, and not the semblance 
   of a bean could you find." 
   (Letter of 14 November 1862)

   "We have been a long time on half rations, and the bacon so 
   lively we could not eat it.  Now we are better supplied."

   "Thanksgiving Day dawned; we thought of home.  No rations of 
   any account were on hand; but we drew before noon crackers and 
   bacon, of which I am sick enough.  But I got a loaf of good 
   wheat bread,-which I agreed for ten days since,-some potatoes, 
   eggs, cheese, and butter; so I had quite a feast."

   "If we could by any means have a vegetable diet, the hospitals 
   would soon be comparatively empty.  It would be far better 
   commissary wisdom to keep us well than to let us get sick, and 
   expend so much in trying to cure us." 
   (Letter of 5 February 1863)

The food must have gotten even worse.  According to his Declaration for 
Original Invalid Pension, Foster Branigan came down with scurvy during 
the Kenesaw Mountain campaign.  He stated that while a member of Company 
K of the 21st Regiment of Wisconsin commanded by Col. B. J. Sweet near 
Kenesaw Mountain in Georgia during the middle of June 1864,

   "he was attacked by scurvy.  The Regiment had been without 
   vegetable food all winter and very bad rations and after the 
   march to the sea began the food was of very indifferent 
   quality and claimant suffered from scurvy in consequence and 
   has continued to suffer ever since, both before and after his 
   discharge.... Dr. Reeve Regimental Surgeon advised him to eat 
   everything green that he could get to eat but he could not 
   find any fruit or vegetables until after the command left 
   Atlanta."

Sgt. Holmes died before Company K and Foster Branigan completed their 
enlistment with the end of the war.  Although there are no letters by 
Holms to give insight about the company's experiences during Sherman's 
March to the Sea, other sources shed some light on what Foster and the 
other men from Manitowoc may have undergone. The later bimonthly company
reports of Company K, written by J. C. Taylor, are rather detailed. The 
first reference to General Sherman is in the November-December 1864 
company report when they were in Savannah, Georgia:

   "This company since last muster had marched with Gen. Sherman's 
   Army through Georgia to the sea.  It left Kingston, Ga. on Nov. 
   12, 1864 and reached Atlanta by noon of Nov. 15, 1864, having 
   performed its share in the destruction of the Chattanooga & 
   Atlanta RR.  It left Atlanta on the morning of the next day - 
   the 16; marched upon the main Augusta road, participating in 
   the destruction of Augusta R.R. to a point about 8 miles beyond 
   Covington.  Then, after a day's halt turning to the S.E. it 
   marched upon Milledgeville which was reached on the evening of 
   Nov. 23, 1864.  For a few days before reaching Milledgeville the 
   march was much delayed by a heavy rain. After passing 
   Milledgeville large swamps were met with, having poor & single 
   roads through them & those much obstructed by timbers which 
   the enemy had fallen across.  The bridges were in most instances 
   destroyed.  The Div to which this Regt. belongs, after reaching 
   the Macon & Millen R.R. was deflected towards Waynesboro & this 
   Co with the rest of the Regt. was thrown out as a "Picket" on 
   the Waynesboro road while the rest of the Div. destroyed the 
   Augusta R.R.  It was then marched southeastward to the old 
   Savannah & Augusta & upon this was directed to Savannah, forming 
   part of the line of investment on the 11 Dec 1864.  On the 
   morning of the 21 the rebel works were found evacuated & the Co. 
   was with the rest of the command moved to the Kings Bridge Road 
   & marched into Savannah the next day.  It is now in camp one mile 
   from the city."

The final bimonthly report by Taylor includes the last battle (Bentonville, 
NC).  Again, Company K appears to have been in the thick of it (see below).  
According to a general summary of the battle,

   "On March 19, Slocum encountered the entrenched Confederates of 
   Gen. Joseph E. Johnston who had concentrated to meet his advance 
   at Bentonville.  Late Afternoon, Johnston attacked, crushing the 
   line of the XIV Corps.  Only strong counterattacks and desperate 
   fighting south of the Goldsborough Road blunted the Confederate 
   offensive.  Elements of the XX Corps were thrown into the action 
   as they arrived on the field.  Five Confederate attacks failed to 
   dislodge the Federal defenders and darkness ended the first day's 
   fighting...."

The same report also suggests that the Company was present when Generals 
Johnston and Sherman signed an armistice (18 April), but left the day 
before Johnston surrendered to Sherman at Bennett's House, NC.  During 
this period, Lee surrendered to Grant at Appomattox on 9 April 1865, and 
Lincoln was assassinated on 14 April 1865.  Taylor wrote,

   "Company History from Feb. 28, 1865 to Apr. 30, 1865.  On the 
   25th day Feb. 1865 this company with its command was on the west 
   side of the Columbia River cut off from the other army corps by 
   the breaking of the pontoon-the weather being very wet and the 
   roads in terrible condition.  That evening participating in the 
   defense of the final crossing and taking up of the pontoons. It 
   participated in all the vicissitudes of the subsequent marches 
   to Fayetteville, N.C. resting there on the 11 March 1865.  It 
   relieved a portion of the 1 Div. 20 A.C. [artillery company?] in 
   the afternoon of March 16, 1865 in the fight at Averysboro, N.C.  
   Was in the advanced line of the Div in the battle of Bentonville, 
   N.C. March 19 When that Div. was outflanked, fought with the 2 
   Div. 14 A.C.  It reached Goldsboro, N.C. on the 23 March 
   participating in the pursuit of Johnston army at Avents Ferry, 
   N.C.  Remaining there during the truce bet. Sherman and Johnston.  
   Left Avents Ferry for Richmond, Va. April 25.  Marched as far as 
   Morrisville Station, N.C. waited one day for supplies.  Marched 
   for Richmond, Va. at noon of the 30 April 1865."

Foster Branigan and the remainder of Company K were mustered-out on 8 
June 1865 in Washington, DC.  According to Foster's CMSR, beginning with 
the September-October 1864 individual muster roll, he was listed as 
having lost one Enfield bayonet and one cartridge box belt plate (valued 
at $2.57).  When he was mustered-out in Washington, he had been paid $25 
and was due an additional $75.  Casualty rates for Company K are not 
available, but the Regiment in which the company served had an original 
strength of 1002 men, gained 169 through new recruits to total 1171 under 
arms.  During its three years as a unit, the 21st Infantry Regiment lost 
288 men killed in action, 67 died of wounds, and 47 died of disease.

After the Civil War, Foster Branigan resumed family life, though times 
were probably difficult.  Many soldiers discharged at the end of the war 
had problems finding work and readjusting to civilian life.  His first 
daughter, listed as Anastasia in the 1860 Manitowoc census, apparently 
used the name Ann later in life and a younger sister was named Anastasia.  
In all, Foster and Ann/Hanora had seven children: Ann, John, George, 
Catherine (born 15 November 1866), Mary (born May 1871), Anastasia (born 
abt. 1873), and Ada (born abt. 1878).  In 1889, Foster put in a partial 
disability pension claim, and his home of record was at 872 Thirty-
fourth Street in Chicago.  Foster Branigan suffered from chronic 
rheumatism, scurvy, and chronic diarrhea.  He was apparently admitted to 
one of the National Homes for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers (perhaps that 
in Danville, IL), in August 1896. He was transferred to the Northwestern 
Branch National Home, outside Milwaukee, Wisconsin, in March 1898, 
discharged in April 1901, readmitted in October 1902, discharged in 
April 1903, and readmitted, apparently in 1905.  His wife, Ann (Lynch), 
died on 11 May 1907.  By September 1909, Foster was 70 years old and 
living again at the National Home in Milwaukee.  On 6 January 1911, 
Foster was admitted to the hospital at the National Home, where he died 
of chronic interstitial nephritis and cardiac dilatation [chronic 
inflammation of the kidneys and enlarged heart] on 7 September 1911. His 
daughter, Mary Hanson, was the beneficiary of his Metropolitan Life 
Insurance policy for $30, and his remains were sent to Chicago and 
buried at Calvary Cemetery in Evanston, IL, where his wife and several 
children are buried.

Given their difficult lives and the dangers of service in the Civil War, 
it is amazing that both Foster and James lived so long-70 and 73, 
respectively.  Since they both ended their days at veteran's facilities 
in Wisconsin, perhaps they managed to visit each other and recount 
memories of family and fellowship under arms.