Two Brothers in Arms - Foster and James Branigan
Peter J. Branigan, my 3rd great-grandfather, and his wife emigrated separately from Ireland early in the nineteenth century and eventually settled in Manitowoc, Wisconsin. They undoubtedly suffered discrimination as new immigrants-worse, as Irish. Nonetheless, two of their sons, Foster and James, volunteered in the Union Army during the Civil War. Perhaps this was patriotism, maybe an effort to fit-in, possibly a thirst for adventure. We do not know. Their boys served in different armies, saw different battles, but seem to have led parallel lives. Both gained pensions as partial invalids and ended long lives in veterans' homes in Wisconsin. Within one generation, the Branigans went from being Irish to being Americans. Peter J. Branigan and Bridget McDermont On 27 March 1838, Peter J. Branigan and Bridget McDermont were married in Juliet/Joliet, Will County, Illinois. According to subsequent federal census schedules, they were both born in Ireland. There is some evidence that Peter may have been the son of Peter (Eli) Branigan, who came from Ireland and settled in Massena, New York about 1832. Given the timeframe, the location of their marriage, and their Irish ancestry, Peter was probably among the Irish who came by way of New York and the Erie Canal to work digging the Illinois and Michigan Canal near Joliet. The 96-mile canal was excavated by hand (with the help of explosives) from Chicago to La Salle, Illinois, linking the Chicago River and Lake Michigan to the Illinois River and the Mississippi system. Construction began in 1836 and was completed in 1848. The canal measured six feet deep and 60 feet wide. Irish, as well as other immigrants, flocked to Illinois, attracted by the promise of jobs. The workers lived in rude shanties. Many died of diseases, including cholera and dysentery. During the summer, fear of contracting malaria prompted some workers to demand whiskey, which they thought would protect them from the disease. In many cases, canal workers were paid a dollar (equal to about $19 in 2002 dollars) and a gill (4 ounces) of whiskey per week. Economic crises in the late 1830s and early 1840s resulted in reduced wages for the canal workers, and violence erupted on several occasions. Things were not pleasant for the Irish in Will County in 1838. Three months after Peter and Bridget were married, a local event called the "First Irish War" occurred near Joliet on 4 July 1838. Apparently, the Irish immigrants who were working on the nearby Illinois and Michigan Canal rioted because they had not been paid. The people in Juliet [Joliet] got word that the Irish workers digging the canal near Romeoville were killing one another and contractors at the work site. A posse was formed and, after being fortified with alcohol, came upon the Irish, "flourishing scythes, pitchforks, and shellalahs." The posse fired a volley of blanks and the Irish broke and ran. The posse apprehended forty prisoners, who were brought to Joliet, but only 14 prisoners were detained because of limited jail facilities. During the subsequent trial, the principal prosecution witness was the contractor, who told of suffering violent assaults by many men with a variety of weapons. However, the contractor survived unscathed. "The contractor's story was so improbable that the judge ridiculed the event. The jury members couldn't agree with one another, and the prosecutor decided to drop the charges." Troubles continued, but the Irish were needed to dig the canal. Peter and Bridget's first child, Foster Branigan, was born in Illinois and baptized in St. Patrick's Catholic Church in Joliet on 27 January 1839. Around 1841, the family moved to Manitowoc, Wisconsin, where Peter J. Branigan purchased land in 1849. In the same year, Peter was also involved in a lawsuit with Frederick W. Huebner. The case seems to have landed in the Circuit Court when Huebner requested the court to overturn the judgment of the R. B. Musson, Justice of the Peace of Manitowoc Rapids. The original case dates to September 1849 and included Foster Branagan [sic] among the plaintiffs, with his father, Peter, as lead plaintiff. Peter seems to have sued Huebner for $5.26 (about $122 in current dollars) for an unpaid bill for labor, princi- pally hauling loads, including lumber from the steam mill. Peter seems to have been feisty and pursued payment through two court actions. His son, Foster, and others were called as witnesses. The circuit court was to have heard the appeal on 21 March 1850, but the documents do not include any indication if the circuit court hearing occurred or what judgment it may have rendered. The particulars of the suit suggest that Foster worked with his father in hauling freight. In the census of 1850, Peter's occupation was given as a carter (wagon driver). He was enumerated with Bridget, and their children: Foster, Chester, James, Mary A., Lucy A., and Harriet. Peter apparently died between the conception of his youngest child, Jerome (about 1855), and the 1860 census, when only Bridget is enumerated with six of her children, who now included Frank P. and Jerome. Peter's early death was mentioned by his son, James, in an affidavit as part of his military pension file, where he said, "That his Father died when he was quite a small boy ..." Bridget apparently died after 1880, because she was enumerated in the census of that year in Manitowoc and identified as a widow, age 73. The outbreak of the Civil War on 12 April 1861 and President Lincoln's call for volunteers three days later prompted many northerners to enlist. Such appears to have been the case with two of Peter J. Branigan's sons: Foster and James. They joined the Union Army before the draft was instituted in 1863, so they were true volunteers. James Branigan with the Army of the Potomac There seems to have been some uncertainty regarding when James Branigan was born. An affidavit of 27 May 1913 in James's pension file discusses James' birth date and is touching. He declares, "That he was born at Manitowoc Wisconsin, March 15, 1843, when Wisconsin was a howling wilderness and before any public record of births or deaths were made and he is unable to furnish record proof. Affiant [person making the affidavit] further says that he might have been baptized, but if he was it was by some missionary and he does not know where to look for such record. That his Father died when he was quite a small boy and what information he has concerning his again [sic] came to him from his mother, who told him repeatedly that he was born March 15th 1843, and having a very good memory he has never forgotten what was told him by his mother. That his age as given at the date of enlistment added to the time which has since elapsed makes him 70 years of age March 15, 1913 and is correct." The Compiled Military Service Record (CMSR) for James Branigan indicates that he enrolled for three years of military service at Manitowoc on 20 April 1861. At the time, he was 18 years old and single. His army and pension records state that he had light hair, had blue eyes, and stood 5 feet 7 inches. His enlistment expired and he was mustered out on 27 July 1864. He held the rank of private throughout his military service. James apparently followed in his father's wagon-tracks. Several of James' bimonthly muster records state that he had detached duty as a wagoner, often at the division or brigade headquarters. There is also a summary sheet listing to what units he was detached as a teamster and during what dates. In response to President Lincoln's call to arms, Manitowoc Village organized one of Wisconsin's state militias, initially called the Manitowoc County Guards. All but five of the 105 volunteers were unmarried. The men elected their officers, who were led by Captain Temple Clark. Patriotic fervor prompted the ladies to sew a special company flag patterned on the US flag, with red and white stripes and a blue field with gold stars and trimmed in silver. The name, "Manitowoc County Wisconsin Volunteers," was emblazoned across the central white stripes in gold letters. The reflections of one of the volunteers, James S. Anderson, when the flag was presented to the Manitowoc County Historical Society in 1925, provides an eyewitness account of the war experience of James Branigan's company. The new flag was formally presented to the company in a ceremony in Union Park on 17 June 1861. Captain Clark promised that the flag would be born into every battle fought by the company. On 23 June 1861, the men from the Manitowoc area marched through cheering crowds to the pier at the foot of Buffalo Street and embarked on the Goodrich steamer Comet. They docked in Milwaukee about dawn, had breakfast at the Kirby Hotel, and then marched to the St. Paul Railway depot to board the train to Camp Randall, near Madison. Companies B and C of the 5th Wisconsin Regiment met them and escorted them to Camp. The Manitowoc County Wisconsin Volunteers became Company A of the Fifth Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry Regiment on 13 July 1861. Capt. Clark commanded the company until April 1862, when he was transferred to the staff of General Plummer in the Army of the Mississippi. Lieutenants Horace Walker and Peter Scherfius, all of Manitowoc, assisted him. Later, Wilson W. Goodwin and Aaron B. Gibson were promoted to Lieutenant. In camp, the 5th Regiment was given regimental colors for use on the battlefield and for display. Companies were not permitted individual company flags under US Army regulations. Because Captain Clark had promised the company would carry the flag to the field, it was decided that the Company flag would be carried in the captain's satchel and, when the men were about to go into battle, someone would wrap the flag around his body-thus preserving their promise to the people of Manitowoc. The Union loss at the first battle of Bull Run prompted the regiment to ship-out. On 23 July 1861, the 5th Wisconsin Infantry Regiment struck its tents and set out by train to Harrisburg, PA, via Chicago. The men left without arms, ammunition, or rations. The lack of rations was not a problem, because "at every station [they] passed crowds of people were gathered and baskets of sandwiches, cakes, and pies were thrust through the car windows." The regiment eventually traveled to Washington, where it joined the 2nd Wisconsin Regiment and camped on Kalorama Heights. They received old muskets and ammunition from the Mexican war-"as dangerous at one end as the other." The 5th Regiment crossed the Potomac River into Virginia and began a period of building forts, drilling, and picketing. In due time, they received Austrian rifles-a marked improvement over the muskets. The company participated in the spring campaign of the Army of the Potomac pursuing the Confederate forces up the York Peninsula. The rebels retreated from Yorktown, VA, on 4 May. Hooker's division encountered the Confederate rearguard near Williamsburg the next day. Hooker assaulted Fort Magruder, an earthen fortification along the Williamsburg Road, but was repulsed. Confederate counterattacks threatened to overwhelm the Union left flank, until reinforcements arrived. Hancock's brigade then moved to threaten the Confederate left flank, occupying two abandoned redoubts. The principal commanders in the battle were Maj. Gen. George Mc Clellan (US) and Maj. Gen. James Longstreet (Confederacy). A total of 72,592 men engaged in combat, with 3,843 casualties. The 5th Wisconsin Regiment served at a crucial point of Hancock's attack, and Company A was bloodied. They lost three men and had six wounded, including Lieutenant Walker. The bimonthly reports from James' company gives a brief account of this first major battle in which his company participated. "In the Battle of Williamsburg on the 5 of May 1862, Corpl. Jacob Chochems was killed by a shell, Private David David Woodcock killed by musket ball, Private David C. Eddy mortally wounded by musket ball, 1 Lt. Horace Walker wounded slightly in thigh, Pvt. Gottlieb Hermann wounded slightly in shin, Private Joseph Allen wounded slightly in foot." Subsequent bimonthly reports were far less detailed, seldom mentioning the many casualties Company A suffered. One exception is the entry for the Battle of Gettysburg. First Lieutenant Gibson wrote "In July [1863] was on the march in Md. 2, 3 & 4 at the battle of Gettysburg, none wounded or killed..." This is the only such statement in any of the reports, which suggests that the lack of casualties was extraordinary - nearly one-third of the 158,000 soldiers who took part in the three-day Battle of Gettysburg were killed or wounded. There are very brief descriptions of other battles and many mentions of marching from one point to another. Captain Clark left Company A a few days before the Battle of Williamsburg. After the battle, Lieutenant Walker, who was commanding the company decided that enough had been done to keep the promise about the company flag. He packed the flag in his satchel and sent it to the rear, to be returned when the campaign ended. The baggage, including the company flag, was taken by rebel forces, but recaptured by the 8th Pennsylvania Reserve Corps. Eventually, it was returned to Manitowoc in 1881 and presented to the Manitowoc Historical Society in 1925. Company A of the 5th Wisconsin Infantry Regiment participated in 26 general engagements during the Civil War-in every battle of the Army of the Potomac, except the First Battle of Bull Run, until it was mustered out in Madison WI, on 27 July 1864. At its last muster, Company A reported 23 members had been killed in battle or died of wounds, 35 were discharged during service as disabled, wounded or due to disease, nine died of disease, three were in Confederate prisons, two were wounded and in hospital. Thus, their total losses were 72 (two had been transferred to the Navy). When the thirty remaining men mustered out, including James Branigan, only twelve were on active duty, the others were gathered from Washington hospitals to journey home. Because of James Branigan's details and detached service, it is impossible to know if he participated in many of these battles. His detached duty driving wagons would not have been particularly safe. Wagon supply trains were frequently the targets of attack by hostile forces. However, it is clear that James was injured at the Second Battle of Fredericksburg (also called the Battle of Marye's Heights) in Virginia on 3 May 1863, where about 2,000 men were injured or killed. James and later his widow, Jessie, obtained a pension from the federal government, because of injuries he suffered during the Civil War. There are two surgeon's certificates (1895-96) in the pension file relating to James Branigan's infirmities. The handwriting and terminology are difficult to decipher, but James apparently had rheumatism, pain in the "breast," and varicose veins in the right leg. He had pain in the shoulder and knees. James attributed his rheumatism to an "explosion" during his military service. The government apparently required corroborating evidence. In an affidavit of 7 Oct 1897, James described his infirmities and poignantly continues, "There was only seventeen men of my company left who come home and I do not know as to whether they or any of them are living at this time and have not heard from them for thirty years -- therefore can not get any body who was an eye witness to my injuries to make affidavit." The injury to his chest was the result of stumbling and falling when his unit charged against the enemy on Mayre's Heights, according to James' declarations and a later affidavit by another soldier. James said that he struck his breastbone when he fell. He was treated by a Dr. Crane in the regimental hospital during the campaign in Virginia. James was mustered-out at Madison, WI, on 27 July 1864 and identified as James Braingan-an apparent clerical transposition-in some of his Civil War records. He was owed $100, plus $1.58 for clothing. It also mentions a "Stop for Q.M. [quartermaster?] Stores, lost, 1 Haversack, 49 cents; 1 canteen 41 cents." Perhaps, James was present in Manitowoc on 29 April 1865, when the town held a ceremony to honor its returning soldiers and commemorate the assassination of President Lincoln-his brother Foster was still in the service. After the war, according to his pension file papers, James lived in Chicago 1865-1869, Menomonee 1869-1872, Cheboygan, MI 1874, Escanaba 1875, Iron Mountain 1878, and other areas in the region. He was a sailor on the Great Lakes before the war and a teamster after the war. He apparently had a tattoo of an American "coat of arms" [flag motif] and initials on his left arm. On 6 April 1898, when he was 55, James Branigan married Jessie McNeal (age 27) at Kitchie, Michigan in a civil ceremony. On the copy of the record of marriage, James' parents are listed as Peter Branigan and Bridget McDermit [sic]; Jessie's parents were listed as John McNeal and Jane McFerton. The birthplace of James is given as Manitonoc [sic], Wis., and that of Jessie is given as Scotland. According to an affidavit by a friend supporting Jessie's claim, this was the first marriage for both. By 1907, James had moved to Chicago, where he lived with his brother, Frank, and his niece, Harriet Murphy. Both countersigned James' renewed Declaration for Pension, on 22 October of that year. According to the declaration, all three were living at 5444 Union Avenue, Chicago. James Branigan died on 22 Nov 1916 at the Wisconsin Veterans Home (Waupaca, WI) of a cerebral hemorrhage at the age of 73 years, 8 months, and 7 days. Jessie applied for a widow's pension, which was approved and commenced on 1 Dec 1916 at the rate of $12 per month ($197 in 2002 dollars). At the time, her address was given at the Wisconsin Veteran's Home in Waupaca, where she and James had apparently lived at the time of his death. They do not appear to have had any children. Jessie died in Eau Claire, Wisconsin, on 25 February 1925. She was in the care of her twin sister, Mrs. Anna Fennessey, who requested federal reimbursement for burial. Her request was approved. Foster Branigan with the Army of the Cumberland and Sherman's March to the Sea The eldest Branigan son, Foster (b. Jan 1839), married Hanora Lynch in a Catholic service at Manitowoc Rapids on 20 July 1855. He was 5 feet, 8 inches tall; had brown hair and blue eyes. According to the 1860 Manitowoc census, Foster worked as a sailor and had a four-year-old daughter, Anastasia Branigan. Foster's pension file indicates that he also had a son, John, who was born about 1860, and his wife was pregnant with their son, George, when Foster enlisted. He followed his younger brother into the Union Army on 13 August 1862 and became a member of Company K of the 21st Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry Regiment, which was composed primarily of men from Manitowoc. The commanding officers of Company K were Captains Charles H. Walker and Joseph La Count (Walker was promoted to major on 3 May 1864 and left the company to work at headquarters) and Lieutenants Wyman Murphy and John E. Davies. When the company was mustered-out, on 8 June 1865, their captain was Joseph La Count and they were one of the companies under the command of Col. Harrison C. Hobart. Like his brother, James, Foster Branigan was a private throughout his Civil War service. Foster's Compiled Military Service Record (CMSR) indicates that he was with his company for most of his service, except for detached service as a train guard (24 Oct 1863) and on furlough (25 Sep 1864). The twenty-day furlough was requested on 13 September 1864. Like his brother James, Foster was illiterate, and judging from the handwriting on the request, it was dictated by Foster but appears to bear his rough signature. In it, he asked leave to visit his sick wife and child who were living in Milwaukee. The letter stated that they had been ill for three months and were advised to move to a healthy locality. He asked to go and help them relocate. His request was approved. Although Foster left no correspondence about his military service, letters from Mead Holmes, Jr., a sergeant in Foster's company who died during the war in 1863, were published. Presumably they can give us insight about what Foster experienced. Some of Holmes' complaints resonate with the author's experience in the U.S. Army. It seems that things have not changed much in the army since his great, great granduncles served. Foster and the other men from Manitowoc left for Milwaukee by steamer on 24 August 1862. From Milwaukee, the regiment traveled by rail to Oshkosh, where they formed Company K of the 21st Wisconsin Infantry Regiment on 5 September 1862. The men were expected to train for sixty days, but when General Bragg began marching on Louisville and Cincinnati, the men were ordered to Cincinnati, then they crossed the river into Kentucky. From camp in Kentucky on during Sep 1862, Sgt. Holms wrote: "After breakfast of raw ham and hard biscuit,-nothing more, except poor water,-we went out to drill; drilled five minutes, when orders came to march up into the country. The heat was intense. Knapsacked and buttoned, we started; it was but two miles, and good road, but very hilly. Such a succession of hills I never saw. On the march, eight of the regiment fell out. My coat was wet through. We stacked arms, and hung our blankets on the bayonets. The heat is awful, and not a shade in the camp limits; but this we could endure if we could get water." "We are greatly annoyed by marching orders, which are scarcely half obeyed before they are recalled, and something else given. We had sixteen old tents issued for the regiment; one fell to company K. They are intended for fifteen men; it has rained hard for four hours, and there are twenty-five in it now. We are to march in a few hours. For supper last night, we had boiled beef and crackers; the same for breakfast; for dinner, raw pork and crackers; all is gone, and supper will be minus. Many are sick; and, as we move so much, they go to the hospital to-day." Company K took part in the major Battle of Stones River (Murfreesboro, TN). The battle resulted in an estimated 23,515 casualties (13,249 for the Union and 10,266 for the Confederacy). Although the Union lost more men, the battle was considered a defeat for the Confederacy. By coincidence, President Lincoln issued his Emancipation Proclamation during the battle (on 1 January 1863). It is interesting to compare a summary of the overall battle with Holms' detailed account of Company K's experience. The National Park Service gives the overall picture of the engagement, "Maj. Gen. William S. Rosencrans's Union Army of the Cumberland followed [Confederate General] Bragg from Kentucky to Nashville. Rosencrans left Nashville on December 26, with about 44,000 men, to defeat Bragg's army of more than 37,000. He found Bragg's army on December 29 and went into camp that night, within hearing distance of the Rebels. At dawn on the 31st, Bragg's men attacked the Union right flank. The Confederates had driven the Union line back to the Nashville Pike by 10:00 am but there it held. Union reinforcements arrived from Rosencrans's left in the late forenoon to bolster the stand, and before fighting stopped that day the Federals had established a new, strong line. On New Years Day, both armies marked time. Bragg surmised that Rosencrans would not withdraw, but the next morning he was still in position. In late afternoon, Bragg hurled a division at a Union division that, on January 1, had crossed Stones River and had taken up a strong position on the bluff east of the river. The Confederates drove most of the Federals back across McFadden's Ford, but with the assistance of artillery, the Federals repulsed the attack, compelling the Rebels to retire to their original position. Bragg left the field on January 4-5, retreating to Shelbyville and Tullohoma, Tennessee." The 21st Wisconsin Regiment and Company K appear to have participated in a critical portion of the battle, at the Nashville Pike. Holms recounted the battle of Stones River in a letter to the Manitowoc Tribune of 13 January 1863. "About ten A.M., the morning of the 30th, came the command, 'Fall in, double-quick!' We obeyed, and ran down the pike. Confusion and consternation met us here; wagons crosswise in the road, mules dead, whole teams of six and eight fallen, and kicking as only mules can, drivers and men hallooing at the top of their voices,-all presented a scene 'decidedly mixed.' It was very apparent something was up. Wheeler's Cavalry had taken refuge in a strip of woods; we formed alongside of a fence, and fired twenty-five or thirty rounds, killing eighty-three,-of their wounded, I can get no return. Several of the regiments lost their company wagons; this is no small inconvenience,-tents, knapsacks, company books, blankets, overcoats, etc., gone. A train-wagon train-here must be heavily guarded; guerrillas are lurking at every corner, ready to dart upon the first unguarded point. "The morning of the 31st found us at our post in battle line; at four A.M. it was chilly, and some could not see why we had to fall in so early. At ten A.M. we moved, and soon met stragglers on foot, on mules, and on artillery horses, all in great excitement, saying they were surprised at dawn; some were taking breakfast, and the horses off to water; all unprepared for an attack. The great battle of Stone River had now begun. We moved on carefully, and at noon struck the pike. Here we met vast numbers of stragglers; and, let me say, this class disgraces our army; they should be marched to the front and taught there not to run. The road was lined with them, each telling some terrible tale, thus checking the ardor of those about entering the fight. A shell now and then flew over, or struck the soft earth near us. We camped at dark in a cedar swamp; it was about as frosty a night as we had laid out in. Some improvised a kind of furnace of stones, which shielded the light and yet retained the heat. Before daylight we moved to a more secluded place; at seven A.M., heavy cannonading. We moved again and again. Our line of battle was shaped like a horseshoe, the ground mostly wooded except on the pike. About eleven A.M. a rebel brigade advanced on our extreme right; they moved up within fifteen yards, when our battery and men, concealed behind an old fence, fired one volley, killing and wounding two-thirds of the entire brigade, and capturing many of the remainder. At dark we went on picket; no fire; we suffered much. For the first time we were standing picket in the face of an enemy, looking into the dark front, and listening at every leaf-rustle, holding our breath almost, and ready at a second's warning to give the alarm. All passed quietly till day, then a brush among the skirmishers, and we lay down behind the artillery. We soon withdrew with orders, 'Get some breakfast quick, boys.' Our coffee was just on the boil, and the bacon ready to turn, when 'Bang, bang, bang!' spoke the rebel batteries. 'Fall in quick!' good-by to breakfast, dishes, and all. A shell struck a large rock in front of us, shivering it to atoms. We moved up a little slope where Loomis's Battery, 'with bowels full of wrath,' belched forth its iron hail. The order 'Fall down!' was given, and the way shot and shell played around us was a caution. It required some nerve to keep quiet. Many shots just passed our heads. The battery we were supporting lost eight men killed, twelve wounded, and thirteen horses; they stood about eight rods [132 feet] in front of us, and to the left. "At 3 P.M. a very heavy artillery and musketry-fight occurred on the left, near the river. At first, the rebels got the advantage; but soon the tide turned, and our brave boys repelled them handsomely, driving them pell-mell. It was a hard fight, and the slaughter was dreadful. The rebels lay piled up, three or four deep, where the canister and grape [shot] had played upon them. While we lay there, two horsemen came dashing down the road bearing a rebel flag between them, and in a moment a man came like lightning among our brigade, standing in his stirrups, swinging his hat, and shouting, 'Courage, boys, we are whipping them, they are running.' It was General Rosencrans, the planner of the whole engagement. Such cheers as rent the air! The whole line took up the shout-'Victory! victory! victory!' resounded far and wide. The fight closed there about sunset; but immediately cannonading commenced where we lay; 'twas brisk for a short time. "But the enemy, finding that, no matter where he changed front, our batteries instantly answered, probably thought he had experimented enough, and so quit. The weather was bad, the soil clay, the mud just over shoes, unless you picked your steps, which a soldier can not do; lying down was no pleasant job. We spent a miserable night,-rain and cold, wet to the skin; officers and men alike. "The next day was about the same. At dark, a sharp musket-fight took place on the left center; the rain fell freely and a strong wind blew; Oh, I pitied the wounded that night, for it was more difficult to find them, and then their sufferings,-exposed to this merciless storm! The artillery flashes presented a terrific and yet imposing scene for us to view, as we sat in the mud and water (the sublime and ridiculous mixed, you see), bullets flying over us, and we expecting momentarily to be called in. "The next morning dawned beautiful, yes, splendid. The rebels had left, under cover of the night, and Murfreesboro', three miles distant, was clear. We spent the day in the trenches, burying the dead, picking up guns, etc; yet we could not refrain from giving God thanks for preserving us so wonderfully through a battle so severe and protracted. Once when we rose, six balls and shells lay ten or twelve feet behind us, and it was surprising that under just that particular fire more than half of us were asleep; indeed, so exhausted were we that the moment we lay down we would drop to sleep." Compare Holms description, above, to the brief mention in the bimonthly report of Company K for January and February 1863: "This Company was engaged in the action of Stone River Jany. 1, 2, & 3d 1863 and marched most of Jany from battle field of Stone River to present camp." Poor food and water are a recurring theme in Sgt. Holms' letters. That is probably true for any soldier in any war. However, Holms' comments support Foster Branigan's claim that he got scurvy during his service. "How I should like some vegetables!" (Letter of 23 October 1862) "Yesterday we drew full rations, which fact is a rarity of itself, and you may think now we shall live. And so we would if we had our sisters or mothers to cook for us. But the rice got terribly burnt, and on tasting the molasses that was so burnt, we let it alone. The beans for dinner were boiled to a mush, so that the soup would go round, and not the semblance of a bean could you find." (Letter of 14 November 1862) "We have been a long time on half rations, and the bacon so lively we could not eat it. Now we are better supplied." "Thanksgiving Day dawned; we thought of home. No rations of any account were on hand; but we drew before noon crackers and bacon, of which I am sick enough. But I got a loaf of good wheat bread,-which I agreed for ten days since,-some potatoes, eggs, cheese, and butter; so I had quite a feast." "If we could by any means have a vegetable diet, the hospitals would soon be comparatively empty. It would be far better commissary wisdom to keep us well than to let us get sick, and expend so much in trying to cure us." (Letter of 5 February 1863) The food must have gotten even worse. According to his Declaration for Original Invalid Pension, Foster Branigan came down with scurvy during the Kenesaw Mountain campaign. He stated that while a member of Company K of the 21st Regiment of Wisconsin commanded by Col. B. J. Sweet near Kenesaw Mountain in Georgia during the middle of June 1864, "he was attacked by scurvy. The Regiment had been without vegetable food all winter and very bad rations and after the march to the sea began the food was of very indifferent quality and claimant suffered from scurvy in consequence and has continued to suffer ever since, both before and after his discharge.... Dr. Reeve Regimental Surgeon advised him to eat everything green that he could get to eat but he could not find any fruit or vegetables until after the command left Atlanta." Sgt. Holmes died before Company K and Foster Branigan completed their enlistment with the end of the war. Although there are no letters by Holms to give insight about the company's experiences during Sherman's March to the Sea, other sources shed some light on what Foster and the other men from Manitowoc may have undergone. The later bimonthly company reports of Company K, written by J. C. Taylor, are rather detailed. The first reference to General Sherman is in the November-December 1864 company report when they were in Savannah, Georgia: "This company since last muster had marched with Gen. Sherman's Army through Georgia to the sea. It left Kingston, Ga. on Nov. 12, 1864 and reached Atlanta by noon of Nov. 15, 1864, having performed its share in the destruction of the Chattanooga & Atlanta RR. It left Atlanta on the morning of the next day - the 16; marched upon the main Augusta road, participating in the destruction of Augusta R.R. to a point about 8 miles beyond Covington. Then, after a day's halt turning to the S.E. it marched upon Milledgeville which was reached on the evening of Nov. 23, 1864. For a few days before reaching Milledgeville the march was much delayed by a heavy rain. After passing Milledgeville large swamps were met with, having poor & single roads through them & those much obstructed by timbers which the enemy had fallen across. The bridges were in most instances destroyed. The Div to which this Regt. belongs, after reaching the Macon & Millen R.R. was deflected towards Waynesboro & this Co with the rest of the Regt. was thrown out as a "Picket" on the Waynesboro road while the rest of the Div. destroyed the Augusta R.R. It was then marched southeastward to the old Savannah & Augusta & upon this was directed to Savannah, forming part of the line of investment on the 11 Dec 1864. On the morning of the 21 the rebel works were found evacuated & the Co. was with the rest of the command moved to the Kings Bridge Road & marched into Savannah the next day. It is now in camp one mile from the city." The final bimonthly report by Taylor includes the last battle (Bentonville, NC). Again, Company K appears to have been in the thick of it (see below). According to a general summary of the battle, "On March 19, Slocum encountered the entrenched Confederates of Gen. Joseph E. Johnston who had concentrated to meet his advance at Bentonville. Late Afternoon, Johnston attacked, crushing the line of the XIV Corps. Only strong counterattacks and desperate fighting south of the Goldsborough Road blunted the Confederate offensive. Elements of the XX Corps were thrown into the action as they arrived on the field. Five Confederate attacks failed to dislodge the Federal defenders and darkness ended the first day's fighting...." The same report also suggests that the Company was present when Generals Johnston and Sherman signed an armistice (18 April), but left the day before Johnston surrendered to Sherman at Bennett's House, NC. During this period, Lee surrendered to Grant at Appomattox on 9 April 1865, and Lincoln was assassinated on 14 April 1865. Taylor wrote, "Company History from Feb. 28, 1865 to Apr. 30, 1865. On the 25th day Feb. 1865 this company with its command was on the west side of the Columbia River cut off from the other army corps by the breaking of the pontoon-the weather being very wet and the roads in terrible condition. That evening participating in the defense of the final crossing and taking up of the pontoons. It participated in all the vicissitudes of the subsequent marches to Fayetteville, N.C. resting there on the 11 March 1865. It relieved a portion of the 1 Div. 20 A.C. [artillery company?] in the afternoon of March 16, 1865 in the fight at Averysboro, N.C. Was in the advanced line of the Div in the battle of Bentonville, N.C. March 19 When that Div. was outflanked, fought with the 2 Div. 14 A.C. It reached Goldsboro, N.C. on the 23 March participating in the pursuit of Johnston army at Avents Ferry, N.C. Remaining there during the truce bet. Sherman and Johnston. Left Avents Ferry for Richmond, Va. April 25. Marched as far as Morrisville Station, N.C. waited one day for supplies. Marched for Richmond, Va. at noon of the 30 April 1865." Foster Branigan and the remainder of Company K were mustered-out on 8 June 1865 in Washington, DC. According to Foster's CMSR, beginning with the September-October 1864 individual muster roll, he was listed as having lost one Enfield bayonet and one cartridge box belt plate (valued at $2.57). When he was mustered-out in Washington, he had been paid $25 and was due an additional $75. Casualty rates for Company K are not available, but the Regiment in which the company served had an original strength of 1002 men, gained 169 through new recruits to total 1171 under arms. During its three years as a unit, the 21st Infantry Regiment lost 288 men killed in action, 67 died of wounds, and 47 died of disease. After the Civil War, Foster Branigan resumed family life, though times were probably difficult. Many soldiers discharged at the end of the war had problems finding work and readjusting to civilian life. His first daughter, listed as Anastasia in the 1860 Manitowoc census, apparently used the name Ann later in life and a younger sister was named Anastasia. In all, Foster and Ann/Hanora had seven children: Ann, John, George, Catherine (born 15 November 1866), Mary (born May 1871), Anastasia (born abt. 1873), and Ada (born abt. 1878). In 1889, Foster put in a partial disability pension claim, and his home of record was at 872 Thirty- fourth Street in Chicago. Foster Branigan suffered from chronic rheumatism, scurvy, and chronic diarrhea. He was apparently admitted to one of the National Homes for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers (perhaps that in Danville, IL), in August 1896. He was transferred to the Northwestern Branch National Home, outside Milwaukee, Wisconsin, in March 1898, discharged in April 1901, readmitted in October 1902, discharged in April 1903, and readmitted, apparently in 1905. His wife, Ann (Lynch), died on 11 May 1907. By September 1909, Foster was 70 years old and living again at the National Home in Milwaukee. On 6 January 1911, Foster was admitted to the hospital at the National Home, where he died of chronic interstitial nephritis and cardiac dilatation [chronic inflammation of the kidneys and enlarged heart] on 7 September 1911. His daughter, Mary Hanson, was the beneficiary of his Metropolitan Life Insurance policy for $30, and his remains were sent to Chicago and buried at Calvary Cemetery in Evanston, IL, where his wife and several children are buried. Given their difficult lives and the dangers of service in the Civil War, it is amazing that both Foster and James lived so long-70 and 73, respectively. Since they both ended their days at veteran's facilities in Wisconsin, perhaps they managed to visit each other and recount memories of family and fellowship under arms.